Immanuel Can wrote: ↑Wed Feb 07, 2024 5:38 pmNoteable in the world of "gender" theory is the lauding of feminity, and the persistent effort to debase masculinity. The dominant discourses position men as "oppressors" and inheritors of the illegitimate benefits of "patriarchy," and women as the "victims," whose values have been "marginalized," and must now be "re-centered."
One of my own efforts here on this forum is to try to extract out of what people write my understanding of what their core predicates are and, as well, what they are actually advocating
for.
Immanuel Can is in some senses an *easy study* because of his religious fundamentalism which, from time to time, comes out starkly. For example when he says (I paraphrase) "In just a little while you will die. And then you will know if I am right or I am wrong" -- the reference being to either going to heaven or finding oneself in a hell-realm.
However, I find it a good deal harder to parse out of these social and political statements, seemingly grounded in *Conservatism*, just what his ultimate argument is. That is, what he is advocating
for. Since he does not state it openly (it does not appear to me that he does) it must be divined and extracted.
If I examine the first quote I would have to say that, though he is referring to the ascent of those theorists of gender theory, and the upheaval in our own social world, and the social and ideological battles that present themselves, the so-called 'lauding of femininity' is an attitude that originated in second-wave feminism and quite a while back. To laud the female, and women as such, can perhaps be seen in the same way as that of the phrase "I'm Black and I'm proud".
Thus a comparison can be made between Black activism and Feminist activism and, given the politics of the 1960s, once cannot dismiss the social and political concepts that operate: Were Blacks restricted and did they have limited opportunities and were they, say, *under-recognized* in a predominantly White-European American society? Yes, without question. Similarly, were women restricted and did they have limited opportunities and were they, say, *under-recognized* in a predominantly male dominated and masculine-dominated American society? Yes.
So it must be noted, and many have noted it, that during that time of social upheaval Marxian praxis was definitely a tool used by feminist activists as an ideological armament. None of this is difficult to understand and none of it controversial. The notion of the *oppressed woman* and a social structure, and a family structure, that held, contained and in that sense dominated her -- we can all recognize the *logic* in these views, though we may also believe that Marxian politicization of the male-female relationship would have many *problematic* consequences.
So if I may say I do not have an issue
examining the intrusion of Marxian analysis, and praxis, into the male-female masculine-feminine dynamic. And if I am not mistaken this is, primarily, Immanuel's *intention* in his OP. Certainly one of the sources that influence his views is James Lindsay who examines from a critical perspective and in great detail the ideological world of all such *theory-based* activism. I mean 'theory' in the sense that Consul defined it just now: ideological platform and platform of ideological activism.
Of course, all this is quite ridiculous in the sort of world in which women's values already manifestly predominate.
I read this in this way: Immanuel seems to be saying that,
as a result of the activism of second-wave feminists, that it came about that their activism was largely successful and that now "women's values already manifestly predominate". My interpretation of this statement is that a while back this was likely not so; but now as a result of social, cultural and political activism it is
now so.
IC writes: But continued success for the Feminist movement requires an on-going enemy. So the tendency has become for Feminists to pile-on, constantly finding new ways to assert that the mythical "patriarchy" remains, in some form, and thus there is still work for Feminism to do, and legitimacy to their always-increasing political hegemony through the media, institutions and government.
My impression, if I may diverge a bit, is that
all activist movements be they radical or conservative/traditional, all seek *enemies* that can be identified and called out. And I think it fair to say that Immanuel Can himself, right on this forum, has created if you will a personage with an ideological platform that excites and enthuses those *enemies* needed in order for him to bring out his cherished ideas. All those of us who take such strong issue with his assertions employ him in this sense. (My view is that we seek out and in a sense we *need* our cherished enemies.)
However, and here I think Immanuel Can's general analysis of *the world* and what is going on in it becomes, perhaps, less defined or perhaps less capable of trenchant or militant analysis. Because if what I say about *enemies* is true, and with reference to the huge divides and divisions that have opened between people (as evinced certainly on this forum) then it seems we must step back from any specificity (women and their activism for example) and look at a far wider world of struggle. The larger reference-word, though it is loaded and problematic, is the term 'globalism' and the assertion that behind this is a nefarious movement, generated and propelled by *elite interests*, that desires to unify the world-system under a dominant ideology, economic system, world system, or perhaps *world regime*. If one wanted to push that view, that narrative, even a bit further one might then say that some form of global communism is taking form in our present.
Have I taken an unrealistic leap in saying this? That is, if my effort is to really get to the bottom of what Immanuel Can's activism is and then to define, if possible, where he wishes to go?
It is definitely proposed by some, including James Lindsay, that DEI
Diversity, equity, and inclusion are organizational frameworks which seek to promote "the fair treatment and full participation of all people", particularly groups "who have historically been underrepresented or subject to discrimination" on the basis of identity or disability. These three notions together represent "three closely linked values" which organizations seek to institutionalize through DEI frameworks.
Is a plank of ideological activism within a larger and general political/economic movement dominated by elites capable of managing it and certainly applying it universally (globally).