“2. Inequality is beneficial and so shouldn’t be altered
This argument amounts to the claim that because some inequality may be ‘beneficial’ in the sense of providing incentives for hard work, more inequality must be even more beneficial. The late Harvard philosopher John Rawls agreed that a limited amount of inequality might increase the prosperity of all by providing incentives, but argued that we should tolerate inequality only so far as it demonstrably benefits the worst off (This is his famous ‘maximin’ principle). Being a follower of Immanuel Kant, Rawls opposed the view that the justice of a policy depends entirely on its consequences. However, he suggested that consequences can be taken into account so long as we gave absolute respect to the ‘liberty principle’ – the idea that our actions should not be interfered with as long as they don’t impinge on the liberty of others. So he suggested a ‘lexical ordering’ of principles – in other words, a hierarchy – in which weight could be given to consequences under certain circumstances. This matters to our discussion because while Rawls favoured some reduction of inequality in the United States, he might have done so more strongly given the evidence provided by Wilkinson and Picket.” –from Phillip Badger’s article ‘Let’s be Reasonable’ in Philosophy Now, issue 110:
https://philosophynow.org/issues/110/Lets_Be_Reasonable
And yet again, we find the naturalistic fallacy at work. It is basically an appeal to our evolution as a species that is best understood through the extremes of Nietzsche and Rand: this strange notion that those with fewer resources and suffer because of it should accept their lot because it furthers the greatest among us. Nietzsche, in Beyond Good and Evil, went as far as to ask us to consider those in less fortunate circumstances to consider their role as little more than support to the more fortunate among us. And Rand took this obnoxious (if not outright noxious (position up in her writings. The irony here (and hypocrisy (is the dismissal of religion both embraced in order to create yet another religion or higher principle. As Zizek points out in Plague of Fantasies:
“ Into this picture of utter gloom, Mother Theresa brings a ray of hope to the dejected with the message that poverty is to be accepted as way to redemption, since the poor, in enduring their sad fate with silent dignity and faith, repeat Christ’s Way of the cross….”
And how different are the two, really? Are they not both higher principles?
But what we really need to look at is how dependent Nietzsche’s and Rand’s argument are on fancy, how they appeal to it. Nietzsche was a weak isolated individual who would have died a virgin had it not been for the alleged hooker that gave him the alleged syphilis that allegedly drove him mad. And if this doesn’t fit the MO for a propensity towards fancy, I don’t know what does. And it is a matter of public record how Rand preferred the mythological over stories about protagonists who find themselves overcome by circumstances.
(And we should note here how this has trickled down into popular culture as was suggested by Reagan’s appeal to ‘rugged individualism’.)
What this has resulted in, that is in cyber circles, is a lot of basement overmen: those who embrace the Neo-Nietzscheian gospel of the fearlessly fanciful. They sit in environmentally controlled spaces saying cool and radical (radical purely for the appeal of the radical (things like anarcho-Capitalism. Tight fisted and ready for action, their utopia consists of some kind of Mad Maxian post apocalyptic terrain in which they fancy themselves as masters.
But getting back to the point:
“This argument amounts to the claim that because some inequality may be ‘beneficial’ in the sense of providing incentives for hard work, more inequality must be even more beneficial.”
Little more than an alibi that rides on the fancy described above. As I wrote in my response to Sterba’s ‘Liberty Requires Equality’:
“What it comes down to is the nature of discourse. By its inherent nature, discourse must always involve the goal of figuring out what will work best for everyone involved. However, the libertarian always comes into it at a disadvantage in that they have to argue what is strictly in their self interest and make it sound as if it is in everyone’s interest. This leaves them with no other choice than to play the language game to its fullest, to work from assumptions that, based on common doxa, they can assume that everyone shares.”
What the argument for inequality assumes is the Capitalistic value of ‘more’. And this has poisoned every discourse that goes on around it. Even liberal positions have bought into it in that they see the solution as more wages and benefits. And because of this, Capitalism has managed to control the rules of the language game. This is why they have gotten away with it: any solution we offer must be offered within the perimeters of a producer/consumer society.
But the only thing really at stake is basic human happiness. I would argue that what we need to look at is efficiency: that which is maximized by minimizing the differential between the resources put into a thing and the results gotten from it. Or it would be better to say that it is a matter of maximizing the always supra-efficiency of the co-existence of efficiencies by distributing resources and adjusting expectations in such a way that everyone has what they need to do what is most important to them. Once again:
“This argument amounts to the claim that because some inequality may be ‘beneficial’ in the sense of providing incentives for hard work, more inequality must be even more beneficial.”
What the argument for inequality assumes is that the only way anyone can achieve greatness is through struggle. But as Marx rightly noticed: too often, greatness (or our higher selves (can be stifled by the petty and mundane matters imposed on us by Capitalism. This is the oversight that both Nietzsche and Rand share. And this notion that a civil society must necessarily stifle the ‘Will to Power’ seems complete nonsense. We’re in the season. All we need to do is watch any football game on T.V. to see that.