Data now availablre for ETHICS as science
Posted: Sun Jun 30, 2013 10:58 pm
I have claimed in several of my threads and posts that we have a moral intuition or a moral faculty. Now I have discovered support for my claim.
The following data gives further support for the Unified Theory of Ethics argument that Ethics can be a science. First I offer for your consideration here some passages by Marc D. Hauser excerpted from his Moral Minds: The Nature of Right and Wrong (NY: Ecco - Harper Collin, 2006) pp. 52-54. Then be sure to see the relevant science report supporting the view that Individual Ethics is concerned with our moral efforts at self-mastery - which includes self-regulation and continuous self-improvement.
“Anatomy of the Moral Faculty
The classic view that dates back at least to Hume, . . . has been carried forward into the present by the social psychologist Jonathan Haidt, who proposes that we are equipped with four families of moral emotions:
(1) other condemning: contempt, anger, and disgust; (2) self-conscious: shame, embarrassment, and guilt;
(3) other suffering: compassion;
(4) other praising: gratitude and elevation. These moral emotions run the show. They provide us with our intuitions about what is right or wrong, and what we should or shouldn't do.it is impossible to deny that we experience guilt, compassion, and gratitude, and that these emotions materialize in our minds and bodies in the context of moral behavior, planned or imagined. These experiences, however, leave open two questions: What triggers these emotions and when do they arise in the course of moral evaluation? For an emotion to emerge, something has to trigger it. Some system in the brain must recognize a planned or completed action, and evaluate it in terms of its consequences. When an emotion emerges in a context that we describe as morally relevant, the evaluative system has identified an action that often relates to human welfare, either one's own or someone else's. The system that perceives action, breaking the apparently seamless flow of events into pieces with particular causes and consequences, must precede the emotions. . . . Our moral faculty enables each normally developing child to acquire any of the extant systems of morality. Below is a rough sketch of the Rawlsian creature's moral anatomy--in essence its design specs.”
[By Rawlsian creature, Hauser means a creature with an innate moral grammar via which recognition of causal relationships drive emotions. He contrasts this with Kant's view that human morality is driven by a rational "Categorical Imperative" and Hume's view that emotions are primary -- that "reason serves passion."] . .
“ ANATOMY OF THE RAWLSIAN CREATURE'S MORAL FACULTY
1. The moral faculty consists of a set of principles that guide our moral judgments but do not strictly determine how we act. The principles constitute the universal moral grammar, a signature of the species.
2. Each principle generates an automatic and rapid judgment concerning whether an act or event is morally permissible, obligatory, or firbidden.
3. The principles are inaccesible to conscious awareness.
4. The principles operate on experiences that are independent of their sensory origins, including imagined and perceived visual scenes, auditory events, and all forms of language--spoken, signed, and written.5. The principles of the universal moral grammar are innate.6. Acquiring the native moral s;ystem is fast and effortless, requiring little to no instruction. Experience with the native morality sets a series of parameters, giving birth to a specific moral system.
7. The moral faculty constrains the range of both possible and stable ethical systems.
8. Only the principles of our universal moral grammar are uniquely human and unique to the moral faculty.
9. To function properly, the moral faculty must interface with other capacities of the mind (e.g. language, vision, memory, attention, emotion, beliefs), some unique to humans and some shared with other species.
10. Because the moral faculty relies on specialized brain systems, damage to these systems can lead to selective deficits in moral judgments. Damage to areas involved in supporting the moral faculty (e.g., emotions, memory) can lead to deficits in moral action--of what individuals actually do, as distinct from what they think someone else should or would do.Features 1- 4 are largely descriptions of the mature state, what normal adults store in the form of unconscious and inaccessible moral knowledge. Features 5-7 are largely developmental characteristics that define the problem of acquiring a system of moral knowledge, including signatures of the species and cultural influences. Features 8-10 target evolutionary issues, including the uniqueness of our moral faculty and its evolved circuitry. Overall this anatomical description provides a framework for characterizing our moral faculty,”
.[Hauser's book, Moral Minds, examines research relevant to each of these assertions. For those interested in understanding universal ethics it offers a fascinating window into the human operating system and specifically the built-in dimensions of our ethical agreements.]
http://www.amazon.com/Moral-Minds-Natur ... 006078072X
This informative SCIENCE DAILY report provides us with important evidence:
June 6, 2012 — New pictures from the University of Iowa show what it looks like when a person runs out of patience and loses self-control.___________
A study by University of Iowa neuroscientist and neuro-marketing expert William Hedgcock confirms previous studies that show self-control is a finite commodity that is depleted by use. Once the pool has dried up, we're less likely to keep our cool the next time we're faced with a situation that requires self-control.
But Hedgcock's study is the first to actually show it happening in the brain using fMRI images that scan people as they perform self-control tasks. The images show the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) -- the part of the brain that recognizes a situation in which self-control is needed and says, "Heads up, there are multiple responses to this situation and some might not be good" -- fires with equal intensity throughout the task.
However, the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (DLPFC) -- the part of the brain that manages self-control and says, "I really want to do the dumb thing, but I should overcome that impulse and do the smart thing" -- fires with less intensity after prior exertion of self-control.
He said that loss of activity in the DLPFC might be the person's self-control draining away. The stable activity in the ACC suggests people have no problem recognizing a temptation. Although they keep fighting, they have a harder and harder time not giving in.
Which would explain why someone who works very hard not to take seconds of lasagna at dinner winds up taking two pieces of cake at desert. The study could also modify previous thinking that considered self-control to be like a muscle. Hedgcock says his images seem to suggest that it's like a pool that can be drained by use then replenished through time in a lower conflict environment, away from temptations that require its use.
The researchers gathered their images by placing subjects in an MRI scanner and then had them perform two self-control tasks -- the first involved ignoring words that flashed on a computer screen, while the second involved choosing preferred options. The study found the subjects had a harder time exerting self-control on the second task, a phenomenon called "regulatory depletion." Hedgcock says that the subjects' DLPFCs were less active during the second self-control task, suggesting it was harder for the subjects to overcome their initial response.
Hedgcock says the study is an important step in trying to determine a clearer definition of self-control and to figure out why people do things they know aren't good for them. One possible implication is crafting better programs to help people who are trying to break addictions to things like food, shopping, drugs, or alcohol. Some therapies now help people break addictions by focusing at the conflict recognition stage and encouraging the person to avoid situations where that conflict arises. For instance, an alcoholic should stay away from places where alcohol is served.
But Hedgcock says his study suggests new therapies might be designed by focusing on the implementation stage instead. For instance, he says dieters sometimes offer to pay a friend if they fail to implement control by eating too much food, or the wrong kind of food. That penalty adds a real consequence to their failure to implement control and increases their odds of choosing a healthier alternative.
The study might also help people who suffer from a loss of self-control due to birth defect or brain injury.
"If we know why people are losing self-control, it helps us design better interventions to help them maintain control," says Hedgcock, an assistant professor in the Tippie College of Business marketing department and the UI Graduate College's Interdisciplinary Graduate Program in Neuroscience.
http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/20 ... 142704.htm
Comments? Further contributions?
The following data gives further support for the Unified Theory of Ethics argument that Ethics can be a science. First I offer for your consideration here some passages by Marc D. Hauser excerpted from his Moral Minds: The Nature of Right and Wrong (NY: Ecco - Harper Collin, 2006) pp. 52-54. Then be sure to see the relevant science report supporting the view that Individual Ethics is concerned with our moral efforts at self-mastery - which includes self-regulation and continuous self-improvement.
“Anatomy of the Moral Faculty
The classic view that dates back at least to Hume, . . . has been carried forward into the present by the social psychologist Jonathan Haidt, who proposes that we are equipped with four families of moral emotions:
(1) other condemning: contempt, anger, and disgust; (2) self-conscious: shame, embarrassment, and guilt;
(3) other suffering: compassion;
(4) other praising: gratitude and elevation. These moral emotions run the show. They provide us with our intuitions about what is right or wrong, and what we should or shouldn't do.it is impossible to deny that we experience guilt, compassion, and gratitude, and that these emotions materialize in our minds and bodies in the context of moral behavior, planned or imagined. These experiences, however, leave open two questions: What triggers these emotions and when do they arise in the course of moral evaluation? For an emotion to emerge, something has to trigger it. Some system in the brain must recognize a planned or completed action, and evaluate it in terms of its consequences. When an emotion emerges in a context that we describe as morally relevant, the evaluative system has identified an action that often relates to human welfare, either one's own or someone else's. The system that perceives action, breaking the apparently seamless flow of events into pieces with particular causes and consequences, must precede the emotions. . . . Our moral faculty enables each normally developing child to acquire any of the extant systems of morality. Below is a rough sketch of the Rawlsian creature's moral anatomy--in essence its design specs.”
[By Rawlsian creature, Hauser means a creature with an innate moral grammar via which recognition of causal relationships drive emotions. He contrasts this with Kant's view that human morality is driven by a rational "Categorical Imperative" and Hume's view that emotions are primary -- that "reason serves passion."] . .
“ ANATOMY OF THE RAWLSIAN CREATURE'S MORAL FACULTY
1. The moral faculty consists of a set of principles that guide our moral judgments but do not strictly determine how we act. The principles constitute the universal moral grammar, a signature of the species.
2. Each principle generates an automatic and rapid judgment concerning whether an act or event is morally permissible, obligatory, or firbidden.
3. The principles are inaccesible to conscious awareness.
4. The principles operate on experiences that are independent of their sensory origins, including imagined and perceived visual scenes, auditory events, and all forms of language--spoken, signed, and written.5. The principles of the universal moral grammar are innate.6. Acquiring the native moral s;ystem is fast and effortless, requiring little to no instruction. Experience with the native morality sets a series of parameters, giving birth to a specific moral system.
7. The moral faculty constrains the range of both possible and stable ethical systems.
8. Only the principles of our universal moral grammar are uniquely human and unique to the moral faculty.
9. To function properly, the moral faculty must interface with other capacities of the mind (e.g. language, vision, memory, attention, emotion, beliefs), some unique to humans and some shared with other species.
10. Because the moral faculty relies on specialized brain systems, damage to these systems can lead to selective deficits in moral judgments. Damage to areas involved in supporting the moral faculty (e.g., emotions, memory) can lead to deficits in moral action--of what individuals actually do, as distinct from what they think someone else should or would do.Features 1- 4 are largely descriptions of the mature state, what normal adults store in the form of unconscious and inaccessible moral knowledge. Features 5-7 are largely developmental characteristics that define the problem of acquiring a system of moral knowledge, including signatures of the species and cultural influences. Features 8-10 target evolutionary issues, including the uniqueness of our moral faculty and its evolved circuitry. Overall this anatomical description provides a framework for characterizing our moral faculty,”
.[Hauser's book, Moral Minds, examines research relevant to each of these assertions. For those interested in understanding universal ethics it offers a fascinating window into the human operating system and specifically the built-in dimensions of our ethical agreements.]
http://www.amazon.com/Moral-Minds-Natur ... 006078072X
This informative SCIENCE DAILY report provides us with important evidence:
June 6, 2012 — New pictures from the University of Iowa show what it looks like when a person runs out of patience and loses self-control.___________
A study by University of Iowa neuroscientist and neuro-marketing expert William Hedgcock confirms previous studies that show self-control is a finite commodity that is depleted by use. Once the pool has dried up, we're less likely to keep our cool the next time we're faced with a situation that requires self-control.
But Hedgcock's study is the first to actually show it happening in the brain using fMRI images that scan people as they perform self-control tasks. The images show the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) -- the part of the brain that recognizes a situation in which self-control is needed and says, "Heads up, there are multiple responses to this situation and some might not be good" -- fires with equal intensity throughout the task.
However, the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (DLPFC) -- the part of the brain that manages self-control and says, "I really want to do the dumb thing, but I should overcome that impulse and do the smart thing" -- fires with less intensity after prior exertion of self-control.
He said that loss of activity in the DLPFC might be the person's self-control draining away. The stable activity in the ACC suggests people have no problem recognizing a temptation. Although they keep fighting, they have a harder and harder time not giving in.
Which would explain why someone who works very hard not to take seconds of lasagna at dinner winds up taking two pieces of cake at desert. The study could also modify previous thinking that considered self-control to be like a muscle. Hedgcock says his images seem to suggest that it's like a pool that can be drained by use then replenished through time in a lower conflict environment, away from temptations that require its use.
The researchers gathered their images by placing subjects in an MRI scanner and then had them perform two self-control tasks -- the first involved ignoring words that flashed on a computer screen, while the second involved choosing preferred options. The study found the subjects had a harder time exerting self-control on the second task, a phenomenon called "regulatory depletion." Hedgcock says that the subjects' DLPFCs were less active during the second self-control task, suggesting it was harder for the subjects to overcome their initial response.
Hedgcock says the study is an important step in trying to determine a clearer definition of self-control and to figure out why people do things they know aren't good for them. One possible implication is crafting better programs to help people who are trying to break addictions to things like food, shopping, drugs, or alcohol. Some therapies now help people break addictions by focusing at the conflict recognition stage and encouraging the person to avoid situations where that conflict arises. For instance, an alcoholic should stay away from places where alcohol is served.
But Hedgcock says his study suggests new therapies might be designed by focusing on the implementation stage instead. For instance, he says dieters sometimes offer to pay a friend if they fail to implement control by eating too much food, or the wrong kind of food. That penalty adds a real consequence to their failure to implement control and increases their odds of choosing a healthier alternative.
The study might also help people who suffer from a loss of self-control due to birth defect or brain injury.
"If we know why people are losing self-control, it helps us design better interventions to help them maintain control," says Hedgcock, an assistant professor in the Tippie College of Business marketing department and the UI Graduate College's Interdisciplinary Graduate Program in Neuroscience.
http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/20 ... 142704.htm
Comments? Further contributions?